This essay will discuss the role of
social support in coping with HIV/AIDS. After identifying the particular
health-related and social stressors associated with HIV/AIDS, an analysis will
be made on how individuals adapt to and cope with those stressors and the
implications for their social network. An understanding will be drawn on the
relationship between how social support is used as a coping strategy and how
social networks respond to the sufferer. The possible advantages and
disadvantages of social support and the different methods of social support
will be discussed.
HIV/AIDS is a disease carried by
millions of people in South Africa, affecting their livelihoods and those of
people connected to them. Other than an increased susceptibility to
opportunistic infections, the disease affects the individual’s self-esteem,
relationships, capacity to work and psychological health. These social
consequences of being infected with HIV/AIDS are largely due to imbedded
prejudices in society, which results in the sufferer being stigmatized. The
nature of the chronic illness requires increased social support due to added
stressors, so the increased isolation that results from a diagnosis is
unfavourable.
The health-related stressors
presented by HIV/AIDS are similar to any chronic illness, such as pain and fear
of death. However, HIV/AIDS presents particular uncertainty due to its recent
discovery, the unpredictable nature of the disease, its capacity to affect
multiple organs, the high mortality rate and the unknown side-effects of
treatment drugs (Weitz, 1989 as cited in Green, 1993). These unique stressors
add to the necessity for support.
The social stressors presented by
HIV/AIDS are mostly unique to this disease. The disease impacts directly and
negatively on the support that the person with HIV/AIDS receives due to the
stigma that the disease carries in society (Friedland, Renwick & McColl,
1996). There is evidence that existing support structures can erode when one is
diagnosed with a chronic illness (Peters-Golden, 1982; Bloom & Spiegel,
1984 as cited in Green, 1993). Livelihood stressors may arise with the loss of
employment, refusal of medical treatment, denial of insurance and even eviction
from housing (Green, 1993). The HIV-positive person is less likely to have
healthy supporters in their social network and because of the erratic
progression of the disease, those who offer support are less able to for a long
period of time at the high level of care which is required (Folkman et al., 1994). Furthermore, people with
HIV/AIDS are often isolated from the natural support mechanism of their
families (Green, 1983). Relationships change to accommodate new needs. Sexual
relationships change – many people with HIV have sexual problems (Donlou et al., 1985; Catalan, 1990; Catalan et al., 1990 as cited in Green, 1993).
Looking at this evidence, one can identify a conflict arising between an
increased need for social support due to the stressors of the disease, and a
decreased availability of social support. Social support is dependent on the
extent which the infected person appears to cope - they should try to cope with
their disease in a balanced way in order to maximize social support (Shreurs
& Ridder, 1997).
There are various psychological
models for explaining how people cope: involvement coping versus detachment
coping, or emotion-oriented coping, problem-oriented coping and
perception-oriented coping (Friedland et
al., 1996). Involvement coping occurs when the sufferer actively tries to
find solutions for their problems, and detachment coping is exemplified when
the person refuses to come up with solutions and tries to remove themselves
from their problems. Social activity can be used in both these cases – both with
finding solutions to problems by talking about them with others, or by using
social activity as a way of distancing oneself from challenges (Mizuno,
Purcell, Dawson-Rose, Parsons, et al.,
2003). Naturally, it is better for the infected person to seek out social
support in order to help with adapting, and not to distance oneself from
problems. Emotion-oriented coping occurs when the person focuses on their
emotional response to stressors and attempts to find solutions to negative
emotions directly (for example, through meditation). Emotion-oriented coping
has generally been found to be an incomplete solution to coping with a chronic
disease (Rabkin, Remien, Katoff, & Williams, 1993) . People who do not
accept their disease or consider it to be controllable engage in
emotion-oriented coping strategies (Schussler, 1992). Perception-oriented
coping involves changing the way one thinks about challenges by altering goals
and values. Problem-oriented coping occurs when the person focuses on the cause
of the stressor, finds out information about it and tries to eliminate the
stressor by addressing the source of the stress. This could include learning
new skills. A study done by Friedland et
al. (1996) found that problem-oriented coping, along with
perception-oriented coping, improves the quality of life of people with
HIV/AIDS.
Cohen & Wills (1985) identified
two main theories in this field as to how social support can help a person to
cope – the buffering hypothesis and the main effects hypothesis. The buffering
hypothesis states that social support is beneficial only for those who are
experiencing stressful situations and serves to protect those people from
adverse situations. The main effect hypothesis states that social interaction has
a positive health effect for everybody, regardless of their stressors, due to
increased feelings of predictability, stability, self-worth and due to the fact
that extreme isolation has negative health effects.
The need for social support arises
in the need for emotional, informational or instrumental (for example, monetary)
support, and has been found to be one of the major coping resources for people
with chronic illness or handling major life events (Thoits, 1995). Social
support can even increase longevity (Reillo, 1990). Perceived support
correlates negatively with reported physical symptoms (Zich & Temoshok,
1987). A person with little social support will cope with hardships less
easily, as well as having a more vulnerable immune system (Kaplan, 1991). Friedland,
et al. (1996) found in his study that
emotional support is the most sought-after type of support for persons with
HIV/AIDS, followed by practical support (of whom the most useful in this regard
were lovers/spouses). It is interesting to note that support can be
debilitative (Coyne & DeLongis, 1986; Coyne, Ellard & Smith, 1990;
Coyne, Wortman & Lehman, 1988; Helgeson, 1993b; Thompson &
Sobolow-Shubin, 1993 as cited in Schreurs, et
al., 1997). This might be because the supporter makes the person with HIV
feel rejected or infantilized (Friedland, et
al., 1996). The perception that the supporter has of the person with the
chronic illness can influence how the person with the illness perceives themselves
and how they perceive their ability to control their disease (Mizuno, et al., 2003).
The different methods of social
support includes formal, semi-formal and informal structures. Formal structures
includes therapy/counselling and medical care. Semi-formal structures include
the buddy system, home care, self-help groups and drop-in centres. Informal
structures include family and friends. Semi-formal structures bridge the gap
between what formal and informal structures provide and take the burden off
them (for example, a buddy system takes the burden off emotional support
provision by close friends).
To conclude, social support is
instrumental to the livelihoods of people infected with HIV/AIDS. The support
is difficult to come by because of prejudices against those who are infected,
but semi-formal and formal structures have been put into place to address those
gaps. Even so, the attitude of the supporter appears to have a major influence
on the outcome for the infected person, so much so that the support can be
perceived as unhelpful. How the HIV-positive person decides to cope with their
disease determines their quality of life, and social support is usually a good
coping strategy.
[1262 words]
March 2014
References
Cohen, S., & Wills, T. (1985). Stress, social
support and the buffering hypothesis. Psychological Bulletin, 98,
310-357.
Folkman, S., Chesney, M., Pollack, L., & Coates,
T. (1993). Stress, coping and depressive mood in human immunodeficiency
virus-positive and negative gay men in San Francisco. Journal of Nervous
and Mental Disease, 181, 409 - 416.
Friedland, J., Renwick, R., & McColl, M. (1996).
Coping and social support as determinants of quality of life in HIV/AIDS. Aids
Care, 8(1), 15-31.
Green, G. (1993). Editorial review: social support
and HIV. Aids Care, 5(1), 87-102.
Kaplan, H. B. (1991). Social psychology of the
immune system: a conceptual framework and review of the literature. Social
Science and Medicine, 33, 909-923.
Mizuno, Y., Purcell, D., Dawson-Rose, C., Parsons,
J., & the SUDIS team. (2003). Correlates of depressive symptoms among
HIV-positive injection drug users: the role of social support. Aids Care,
15(5), 689-698.
Rabkin, J., Remien, R., Katoff, L., & Williams,
J. (1993). Resilience in adversity among long-term survivors of AIDS. Hospital
and Community Psychiatry, 44, 162-167.
Reillo, M. (1990). Psychosocial factors associated
with prognosis in AIDS. Abstract SB372 at the VIth International
Conference on AIDS in San Francisco.
Schreurs, K., & Ridder, D. (1997). Integration
of coping and social support perspectives: implications for the study of
adaption to chronic diseases. Clinical Psychology Review, 17(1),
89-112.
Schussler, G. (1992). Coping strategies and
individual meanings of illness. Social Science and Medicine, 34,
427-432.
Thoits, P. (1995). Stress, coping, and social
support processes: where are we? What next? Journal of Health and Social
Behaviour, extra issue, 53-79.
Zich, J., & Temoshok, L. (1987). Perceptions of
social support in men with AIDS and ARC: relationships with distress and
hardiness. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 17, 193-215.
No comments:
Post a Comment